The Euro's Taxing Path to Political Legitimacy
In: Critical review: a journal of politics and society, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 319-331
ISSN: 1933-8007
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In: Critical review: a journal of politics and society, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 319-331
ISSN: 1933-8007
In: Review of international political economy, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 371-398
ISSN: 1466-4526
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 27, Heft 8, S. 1127-1136
ISSN: 1466-4429
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 598-599
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 914-916
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 52, Heft 2, S. 266-294
ISSN: 1477-7053
The euro crisis brought back a widening gap in prosperity between the eurozone's core and periphery members, but also revealed a divergence in the strength of its national democracies. This article examines the amplified tension between progressively uprooted national markets governed by a supranational technocracy and nationally organized democratic politics in the eurozone's periphery. Building on Dani Rodrik's globalization 'trilemma', this article explains the weakening of national democratic institutions in Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Italy since 2008. While the periphery states were forced to choose monetary integration at the expense of both democracy and sovereignty, this trade-off was mostly absent in the core. The eurozone's policy solutions to the crisis did not allow for any democratic input, were implemented through opaque and often-undemocratic throughput processes, and resulted in deteriorating output. The article concludes that the EU crisis response made euro membership in the periphery less compatible with national democratic principles.
In: Foreign affairs, Band 96, Heft 1, S. 85-95
ISSN: 0015-7120
World Affairs Online
In: Politics & society, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 393-422
ISSN: 1552-7514
This article offers an institutional explanation for the conflicting trends in income inequality both across the Eurozone and within its member states. It argues that the euro's introduction created different economic policy incentives for peripheral and core members. First, the euro's design was a political choice skewed toward deflationary adjustment policies in hard times, leading to falling incomes and employment in the periphery. Second, the institutional incentives of the Eurozone are the opposite for export-driven coordinated market economies and demand-led mixed market economies during booms and downturns, respectively. During the euro crisis, the Eurozone's Northern countries gained at the expense of the Southern ones, while at the same time seeing lower domestic inequality compared to increased inequality in the periphery. This diverging pattern of European inequality was exacerbated by EU economic policy drift, the lack of any real national democratic choice in the periphery, and the growing importance of organized financial interests in Brussels.
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 58, Heft 2, S. 135-154
ISSN: 1468-2699
In: Politics & society, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 393-422
ISSN: 0032-3292
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 58, Heft 2, S. 135-154
ISSN: 0039-6338
Germany has acted as enforcer, facilitator and benefactor in Europe's triple crisis, but not always coherently. (Survival / SWP)
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 375-391
ISSN: 1350-1763
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 375-391
ISSN: 1466-4429
In: Challenge: the magazine of economic affairs, Band 58, Heft 6, S. 477-491
ISSN: 1558-1489
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 113, Heft 761, S. 91-97
ISSN: 1944-785X
Through a renegotiation of its own fundamental membership terms, Britain wants to reform Europe from within—but by staying out of the euro it refuses to be at the core of European policy making.